Well, at least you’re not across the pond.
Over in the UK, bars now have to close at 10 PM instead of 11.
We know that the virus comes in full-force late at night, so this makes perfect sense.
And since ol’ Boris is going to close them down earlier, why not just close down the rest of the country, too?
Restrictions have been put back in place, and Boris says they could last for six months.
Why the sudden reversal?
Don’t you know? Deaths are up by 27% recently, bringing the grand total this ‘pandemic’ to...99 in that country.
How long are we going to put up with this?
I think we’ll put up with it as long as the powers-that-be tell us to.
The deep state. The swamp. The New World Order.
Whatever you want to call them, they’re running the show. You’re running nothing. Voting in a few weeks? That’ll change nothing, as it always does.
I think things are going to get incredibly worse, more than we can even imagine.
Right now we have a walk in the park, what with all the free money the fed is printing and the government is just handing out.
Stocks continue their ‘divorced-from-reality’ ascent to the stars, with only minor hiccups here and there, such as the 800-point loss yesterday.
I feel sorry for all the Baby Boomers that are going to have their pensions wiped-out soon, whether it’s tied to the market in some kind of 401(k) or is given out for some former government job.
Both will be nonexistent soon. If people had a pension and savings to fall back on...why would they need to rely on the state to take care of them?
October is always the best month for a crash, and I suspect this year’s will be one for the record books.
Oh, to live in such exciting times!
If the economy is good, how can war come about?
If war doesn’t come about, how can a new world government be ushered in, one that Americans willingly give up their freedoms to join so that they can feel ‘safe?’
Now’s the time of year to worry. It’s getting cold. The harvest is coming in. We’re entering the best season to destroy America.
Winter is when you want the grid to go down, either through cyber attacks or some kind of EMP attack.
No power as it’s getting cold and most Americans with no kind of food stored? That’s how you bring a nation to its knees in weeks and months, not years.
Court packing has been in the news lately...for the first time in about 80 years.
Last time it was in the news, Montana was a big part of the story.
By the time the 1936 election had come and went - giving FDR his second term - the conservatives in America were all but finished. With little outward opposition, the Democrats began to turn on themselves.
“In Montana and in the rest of the nation, the Democratic party began to split into liberal and conservative factions, pro- and anti-Roosevelt in their viewpoints,” historian Michael Malone tells us. “In Montana, the breakup of the party ushered in a period of fierce partisanship and crumbling party lines. By the close of the New Deal era, party loyalty – never an abundant resource in Montana – had been shattered and the forces of conservatism were again on the rise.”
Starting in 1936, the New Deal programs began to run into problems. More and more, those problems were coming from the U.S. Supreme Court. The New Deal programs were being ruled unconstitutional, and FDR soon developed a plan to “pack the court” with more permanent justices, men favorable to his interpretation of government.
The major Democratic split into conservative and liberal factions that Malone is referring to came in 1937, and it came because of FDR’s court packing plan. That was seen across the nation, but in Montana, there was a further split, as Malone notes:
“Viewed in the wake of the 1936 landslide, three strains of liberalism blended within the Democratic Party of Montana: the 100 per cent New Dealism of Murray and O’Connor, the class-conscious radicalism of Jerry O’Connell, and the old-fashioned, individualist progressivism of Wheeler. These three varieties of liberalism formed a highly unstable compound, and in 1937 it decomposed.”
The charge against FDR’s court packing plan was led nationally by Montana’s Burton K. Wheeler.
Although Wheeler hadn’t been as adamant about FDR as his old colleague Walsh had, he was still one of the president’s supporters early on. That all changed in 1937, however, and although it started with court packing, Wheeler’s opposition to the president would grow well beyond that.
The idea of court packing boiled down to a judge’s age. If they’d been on the bench for at least ten years, were past the age of 70, and hadn’t resigned at least six months past that 70th birthday, then the president had the right to “add a new judge to the bench.” With the current age of the Supreme Court justices, that would have allowed FDR to appoint six new justices.
The idea was put together in the Judicial Procedures Reform Bill of 1937, which came to be called the “court-packing bill.” It was unveiled on February 5 but FDR didn’t start pushing it publicly until March.
Nearly everyone cried foul and they did so almost immediately. Supporters of FDR broke ranks and at the same time the court began to operate in his favor, effectively refuting his argument that it was incompetent and inefficient. The bill was still being pushed through the Senate months later, however, until its leading supporter, Senate Majority Leader Robinson, died from a heart attack.
That was the end of that, though over the next three years FDR would appoint six new Supreme Court justices anyway. Ultimately, however, his court packing plan drove a wedge into his New Deal programs, between Democrats that supported them and those that did not.
With Republicans already against them, there was now a chance that a working, bi-partisan majority could form to not only stall legislation, but bring back to their districts a more conservative message, one that didn’t necessarily favor Democrats in rural states like Montana.
It was clear to many that the election of 1938 would not be the same as the two mid-terms that had come before, and that in 1940, the GOP might even be able to take back the White House. In light of that, FDR’s court packing idea was one of his worst.
FDR was furious at the opposition that Montana’s Senator Wheeler had shown to his court packing plan, for he viewed these setbacks in the economy as the court’s fault. Packing the court would have prevented that, he thought, and it’d been Wheeler who ushered in the bill’s defeat.
FDR not only snubbed Wheeler on his visit to Fort Peck Dam in 1937 by not inviting him to the spectacle, he openly advocated that up-and-coming Democrats in Montana challenge the senior senator. One who heard those calls was Jerry O’Connell, then serving in the U.S. House from Montana’s first congressional district.
After the split over court packing and all the heated words in 1937-8, the “left wing of the Democratic party rose up in open rebellion,” Malone writes.
The Montana Council for Progressive Political Action was created in 1938 and it meant business. Full of American Federation of Labor members, people from the Congress of Industrial Organizations, farmers from the Farmers Union, and more unemployed than they’d probably care to admit, the Council had a growing level of influence and a high level of frustration.
By 1939 – the year they started up the People’s Voice, a reform newspaper that would run for three decades – the Council for Progressive Political Action was ready to do battle, ensuring its voice was heard. If that meant Democrats suffered in the face of third-party candidates, so be it.
“Once again, as on the eve of World War I,” Malone writes, “there was thunder on the left in Montana.”